Campaigns are changing because of a tactic called “lawfare.” The Biden administration is using federal government resources, and taxpayer money to conduct the sort of mudslinging that has traditionally been done by political campaigns.
That’s the focus of the most recent episode of The Drill Down, where hosts Peter Schweizer and Eric Eggers go into the weeds to show how the Biden administration is coordinating all four of the legal prosecutions against Biden’s opponent in the November presidential election, former President Donald Trump.
The Government Accountability Institute (GAI) constructed a timeline of events, which Eric shares on the podcast, which shows the extent of the White House’s involvement in these supposedly “independent” prosecutions. As they showed in a previous podcast discussing how Biden has weaponized federal agencies for Democratic voter turnout efforts, the use of taxpayer dollars on a political prosecution is a blatant effort to hobble a political opponent.
Fani Willis, the Fulton County prosecutor prosecuting Trump in Georgia on election interference charges, even showed up at the White House Correspondents Dinner last week. She corruptly hired her boyfriend Nathan Wade (at a cost of $625,000) to handle the daily work of that case. Wade made two trips to the White House, in May 2022 and again in November of the same year for meetings — not with Department of Justice officials, but with staff at the White House Counsel’s office. Wade was later forced to step down from that job by a judge.
In April 2022, the Biden White House leaked a story to the New York Times showing Biden “confided to his inner circle” his frustration with Attorney General Merrick Garland for not throwing the book at Trump. Four months later, Trump’s Mar a Lago residence was raided by the FBI at Garland’s direction.
Schweizer says another interesting coincidence occurred in December of 2022 when the #3 person at the Department of Justice in Washington, Matthew Colangelo, announced he was leaving DOJ to take a job with the Manhattan DA’s office.
As Schweizer notes, while the Manhattan DA’s office does matter, this is a “massive step down” for the third-highest DOJ official to take. “Why make that move other than that Joe Biden wanted direct input on NY prosecution?” Schweizer asks.
Two other members of the NY prosecutor’s team, Susan Hoffinger and Joshua Steinglass, were involved in the Trump Organization’s previous court case for conspiracy, criminal tax fraud, and falsifying business records, as also reported by the Times.
Colangelo would later deliver the prosecution’s opening statement in Trump’s trial in Manhattan.
This all has “the fingerprints of the White House all over it,” Schweizer adds.
The combined weight of all these prosecutions, particularly the New York case’s order preventing Trump from leaving the state while the case is ongoing, constitutes a direct hobbling of Trump’s ability to campaign for president and gain vast amounts of “earned media” with his well-attended rallies across the country.
“This is a sinister but brilliant strategy,” Schweizer notes, because even if Trump were to win all the cases, it still forces him to spend tens of millions of dollars to fight them all. This is the classic aim of lawfare.
And it’s being done with taxpayer money, Eggers says, just as the Biden administration is also using federal agencies to stoke voter turnout among targeted Democratic voters.
Schweizer and Eggers note that when Trump was president, he did not start a politically motivated prosecution of his 2016 opponent, Hillary Clinton.
“How far we have fallen with the standards for government,” Schweizer notes.
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