The House’s immigration-and-amnesty bill is going to get a formal debate and vote in the House, according to the House Freedom Caucus.

Caucus chief Rep. Mark Meadows announced the decision to reporters following closed-door negotiations with House Speaker Paul Ryan. The talks with Ryan were held when Ryan had to trade favors to collect enough GOP votes to push through another short-term budget that will last until February 16.

Democrats voted against the GOP’s short-term budget because it does not offer an amnesty to millions of illegals.

The House budget plan next goes to the Senate, where Democrats will be faced with the decision of approving a short-term budget that does not include their demand for a huge amnesty of at least 4 million illegals. Democrats likely will make a big fuss but will also ensure a close vote for the short-term budget, because it sets up another one-month budget battle during which they can again press for their amnesty.

The House immigration bill was developed mostly by Virginia Rep. Bob Goodlatte, head of the judiciary committee. The first draft of the bill offers work-permits to 690,000 ‘DACA’ illegals while also implementing a series of offsets and protective measures, including construction of a wall, ending chain-migration and the visa-lottery, and also making the E-Verify system mandatory.  The bill is not supported by Ryan and is strongly opposed by business groups, but has been praised by President Donald Trump.

The House immigration-and amnesty bill creates a dilemma and opportunity for pro-American activists — and for cheap-labor business-first Republicans.

The bill likely would be better for Americans than any bill developed in the Senate, where Democrats and business-first GOP Senators will try to block any law that reduces immigration and raises Americans’ salaries.

The Goodlatte bill includes a small-scale amnesty, which business-first Republicans will try to expand. It also allows the farm industry to bring in at least 500,000 guest-workers instead of illegals. Agriculture interests will try to grow that number. The bill increases the number of green cards for white-collar workers from 140,000 per year to roughly 175,000 per year.

But the bill also drops legal immigration from roughly 1.1 million per year down to roughly 850,000 per year, so trimming the flood of foreign labor that cuts Americans’ salaries. It also penalizes companies and cities that welcome illegals, and it reforms immigration laws to ensure that migrants cannot hire lawyers to help them exploit the many legal-loopholes in any border wall.

The debate over the Goodlatte bill is expected to be very tough.

Polls show that President Donald Trump’s American-first immigration policy is very popular.

For example, a December poll of likely 2018 voters shows two-to-one voter support for Trump’s pro-American immigration policies, and a lopsided four-to-one opposition against the cheap-labor, mass-immigration, economic policy pushed by bipartisan establishment-backed D.C. interest-groups.

Business groups and Democrats tout the misleading, industry-funded “Nation of Immigrants” polls which pressure Americans to say they welcome migrants, including the roughly 670,000 ‘DACA’ illegals and the roughly 3.25 million ‘dreamer’ illegals.

The alternative “priority or fairness” polls—plus the 2016 election—show that voters in the polling booth put a much higher priority on helping their families, neighbors, and fellow nationals get decent jobs in a high-tech, high-immigration, low-wage economy.

Four million Americans turn 18 each year and begin looking for good jobs in the free market.

But the federal government inflates the supply of new labor by annually accepting 1 million new legal immigrants, by providing work-permits to roughly 3 million resident foreigners, and by doing little to block the employment of roughly 8 million illegal immigrants.

The Washington-imposed economic policy of economic growth via mass-immigration floods the market with foreign labor, spikes profits and Wall Street values by cutting salaries for manual and skilled labor offered by blue-collar and white-collar employees. It also drives up real estate prices, widens wealth-gaps, reduces high-tech investment, increases state and local tax burdens, hurts kids’ schools and collegeeducation, pushes Americans away from high-tech careers, and sidelines at least 5 million marginalized Americans and their families, including many who are now struggling with opioid addictions.

The cheap-labor policy has also reduced investment and job creation in many interior states because the coastal cities have a surplus of imported labor. For example, almost 27 percent of zip codes in Missouri had fewer jobs or businesses in 2015 than in 2000, according to a new report by the Economic Innovation Group. In Kansas, almost 29 percent of zip codes had fewer jobs and businesses in 2015 compared to 2000, which was a two-decade period of massive cheap-labor immigration.

Because of the successful cheap-labor strategy, wages for men have remained flat since 1973, and a large percentage of the nation’s annual income has shifted to investors and away from employees.