As donor class Republicans and beltway pundits intensify their “Draft Ryan” campaign, anti-amnesty advocates are pleading with House Republicans to quash the candidacy of the man they call the most open-borders member of Congress.

While these advocates have largely refrained in the past from getting involved in the House leadership scuffle, they now have an urgent warning for House members. They contend that Paul Ryan is an immigration extremist – and point to historical records placing him at the center of a 1990-era corporate-led sabotage of immigration curbs then sought by both parties.

In an exclusive interview with Breitbart News, the president of the immigration control group NumbersUSA, Roy Beck, described Paul Ryan as “terrifying.”

“There’s nobody in the Republican Party who could be worse than Paul Ryan,” Beck implored. “He has spent his entire adulthood ideologically connected to the open borders crowd. Open Borders is in his ideological DNA. That’s the terrifying thing. He’s an ideologue and his spent his whole life working for ideologues. Open borders seeps out of every pore of his being. This isn’t personal, it’s just who he is.”

Ryan’s ideological fidelity to Eric Cantor and Kevin McCarthy has been well documented. Also well-documented is his intimate alliance with Congressman Luis Gutierrez and Mick Mulvaney to complete Senator Marco Rubio’s amnesty push – earning him Gutierrez’s effusive endorsement for House Speaker. But less discussed, Roy Beck explains, is that Ryan has been at the center of efforts to open America’s border for the last twenty years – playing a starring role in several high-stakes immigration battles that altered forever the future of the GOP and the nation.

In the words of Bloomberg’s John Heilemann, who co-authored the book Game Change with Time Magazine’s Mark Halperin: “[Ryan’s] ties to the pro-immigration mafia ran deep. A protégé of [Cesar] Conda and an ally of [Rick] Swartz [founder of the pro-amnesty National Immigration Forum], Ryan was the staffer who had aided Jack Kemp and William Bennett in their crusade against Proposition 187.”

The Washington Times adds in a 2012 article that Ryan, “worked to water down the strict immigration limits in a bill Rep. Lamar Smith, Texas Republican, was working to pass in the mid-1990s… As a staffer in Washington, he worked for Jack Kemp and Sen. Sam Brownback — both of whom were part of the Republicans’ pro-immigration wing, and who fought crackdown efforts from within their own party… As a congressman, he voted for a 2002 legalization bill, praised the 2006 Senate immigration bill backed by Mr. Bush and co-sponsored a 2009 Democratic bill that would have legalized immigrant farmworkers.”

Most recently, in the words of pro-amnestyIleana Ros-Lehtinen Ryan worked “every day” to pass the mass amnesty bill for all of America’s illegal immigrant population.

Ryan’s immigration journey began as college intern working in Washington, when he developed a relationship with Cesar Conda, one of the nation’s top strategists pursuing mass immigration. Rubio would later tap Conda as his Senate Chief of Staff, to help him devise the Gang of Eight immigration plan and then later to advise his presidential campaign.

As AP wrote in 2012, during his time as an intern, “[Ryan] caught the eye of a top [Senator] Kasten aide, Cesar Conda, who offered Ryan a post on Kasten’s staff after Ryan’s 1992 graduation, his first full-time Washington job.”

As Conda later went on to say, “Every chance he [Paul Ryan] got, he’d take the opportunity to pop his head into my office.” To this day, on Conda’s LinkedIn page, he promotes that he has been “described by the Associated Press as one of Rep. Paul Ryan’s ‘conservative mentors.'” AP notes that Conda continued to play a “pivotal role” throughout Ryan’s career: “In 2007, Conda was an adviser to Romney’s presidential campaign and introduced the two men in Washington. A scheduled 15-minute meeting lasted nearly an hour, Conda said.”

After college, Paul Ryan worked alongside former-New York Congressman Jack Kemp in their coordinated attack California’s Proposition 187, a measure pushed by GOP Governor Pete Wilson – and approved by a wide popular vote – which denied state benefits to illegals and required that they be turned over to federal authorities if caught. The measure was blocked by a judge and never went into effect– if it had, potentially millions of California’s illegals, chain migrants and their children would have returned home, unable to draw benefits or alter the state’s political bent.

As National Review reported in 2013, Paul Ryan told EWTN host Raymond Arroyo,”‘I actually campaigned with Jack Kemp against a thing called Prop 187,’ […] [Ryan] said they both worried that the proposal would burn Republicans within the immigrant community, and ‘make it so that Latino voters would not hear the other messages of empowerment.’”

The opposition by Republicans like Ryan to Prop 187 had a wider significance, as it allowed Democrats and media appointments to use the words of other Republicans to pressure the party into dropping its opposition to uncontrolled immigration. As National Review observed, “In a 1994 memorandum, [Kemp] warned against a ‘nativist, anti-immigration climate.'”

Ryan’s aggressive activities even led to a fight at the time with National Review. As Fred Barnes of The Weekly Standard reports, “When National Review ran a cover story, ‘Why Kemp and Bennett Are Wrong on Immigration’ in 1994, Ryan wrote a 4,000-word rebuttal [in which Ryan] defended their [Kemp and Bennett’s] opposition to Proposition 187, which denied any social services for illegal immigrants in California.”

In fact, as part of the long ago, 1990s push in Congress to shut off the immigration valve, National Review published a cover story, Electing a New People, which grimly warned that the arrivals of millions of new immigrant voters would disenfranchise the ballots of GOP voters. Ironically, that prediction came to pass: analysis shows Paul Ryan would be Vice President today if not for the enormous immigrant voting-bloc he helped create – a voting bloc that enthusiastically rejected his platform of entitlement and tax cuts.

But Ryan’s most transformative role may have been as Legislative Director to former-GOP Senator and Congressman Sam Brownback, a prominent supporter of mass immigration policies.

As The New York Times reported, Brownback hired Ryan for his ideological principles: “Mr. Brownback… said in an interview that he resisted hiring Mr. Ryan as his legislative director because of his youth, but that Mr. Ryan won him over in part by proving that he had ‘the clear principles that I was looking for.’”

During the nineties – then almost three decades removed from the Ted Kennedy-led immigration rewrite– popular concern over the large-scale resettlement of poor immigrants caused members of both parties to push for substantial reductions. For instance, Senator Harry Reid offered legislation to significantly reduce the number of green cards while inveighing against birth right citizenship. Even Senators Boxer and Feinstein, immigration-wars veteran Beck explains, were in favor of curbs.

At the center of this populist immigration-cutting effort was civil rights heroine, and black Democrat Congresswoman, Barbara Jordan. At the early stages, even Bill Clinton was in favor of the effort.

It was, Beck explained, the closest America ever got post-Kennedy to actually cutting immigration.  But corporate-wing Republicans including Brownback rallied against and defeated the bipartisan immigration reduction campaign.

In 1996, John Heilemann wrote an extensive story in Wired Magazine about the push to kill the bipartisan effort to reduce immigration levels. Heilemann reports that Paul Ryan was credited for writing, “a series of highly influential, deeply devastating ‘Dear Colleague’ letters educating their peers about the hazards of [Lamar] Smith’s bill [to slash immigration rates].”

Heilemann writes:

The letters were mainly the work of Cato’s [Stuart] Anderson and Paul Ryan, Brownback’s legislative director.

Paul Ryan told Heilemann, “[Lamar] Smith was getting a free ride because he knew immigration law so much better than most of the other members… Once people learned what was actually in the bill, we were able to peel them off, one by one.”

As Beck told Breitbart News: “Paul Ryan and Sam Brownback were the representatives of the crony capitalists. They were its lead representatives.”

Beck continued:

Paul Ryan is a part of the group that created the massive immigration problem facing the nation today.  As a direct result of Paul Ryan and Sam Brownback’s, there are an additional 10 million immigrants in the country [than we otherwise would].

Today, America’s foreign-born population is at an all-time high of 42 million– less than 2 percent of whom are involved in farm work despite media suggestions to the contrary. In 1996, the foreign-born population was roughly 25 million. But then-Congressman Brownback opposed the effort: sponsoring an amendment that stripped all legal immigration reductions from Smith’s bill. Brownback and Ryan were also behind the effort to strip the bill of the implementation of E-Verify, Beck explained.

“If not for the Ryan and Brownback efforts,” Beck noted, “we wouldn’t even be debating illegal immigration today. During the mid-90s, the illegal population was less than 5 million. If E-Verify had been implemented that point, we would not have have so many illegal immigrants in the country today. The whole illegal immigration problem is the responsibility of Brownback.”

“Paul Ryan is the heart and soul of crony capitalism,” Beck explained. “The reason there is an vacancy in House Leadership in the first place is because of the American people’s rejection of crony capitalism, so why would the Republican party put someone who is the heart and soul of crony capitalism in charge of the House?”

If Heilemann and Beck’s analyses are correct, that means House conservatives would have as much, if not more, to fear from Ryan as Pelosi in terms of striking a deal to advance amnesty and immigration-expansions on the House floor. It would also mean that conservative lawmakers will be blocked from any attempt to advance legislative campaigns to curb immigration or to coordinate any public messaging designed to give voice to the concerns of working class Americans whose schoolhouses, jobsites and emergency rooms have been transformed by massive immigration.

For instance, Congressman Brian Babin recently offered legislation to halt all refugee resettlement – a bill sponsored by Rules Chairman Pete Sessions and Homeland Chairman Michael McCaul. Such a bill might never be brought to the floor under a Ryan Speakership. Nor would a plethora of enforcement ideas developed by anti-amnesty lawmakers including Mo Brooks, Steve King, Dave Brat, Louis Gohmert, Duncan Hunter, John Fleming and Marsha Blackburn.

Yet many are pushing Ryan to grab the gavel.

For instance, While National Review editor Rich Lowry recently said “The next time I hear a Republican strategist or a Republican politician say that there are jobs that Americans won’t do, that person should be shot, he should be hanged, he should be wrapped in a carpet and thrown in the Potomac River,” the publication has since endorsed Ryan for speaker.  According to one GOP aide, if House lawmakers were to honor that endorsement it would shelve permanently any hope of the GOP re-emerging as a pro-worker party:

If the donor-class gets its dream ticket of Paul Ryan as Speaker and Marco Rubio as President, nothing will be able to keep the American people from running right into the buzz saw of open borders. Conservatives would long for the days when our biggest problems was Eric Cantor.