When it comes to defining the meaning of the Republican victory last Tuesday, Marco Rubio got it exactly right: “This is our second chance.” Just four years ago, Republicans were turned out of the majority because they had forgotten the spirit of 1994 that brought them there — succumbing to corruption scandals and accepting runaway spending and bailouts of the financial and automotive sectors. John Boehner has smartly echoed this humble tone both in his Election Night speech and post-election interviews.

The first key test of whether Republicans have learned their lesson will come in the decision on whether to weaken a crucial 1994 reform limiting the terms of Republican committee heads by waiving term limits for Rep. Joe Barton so that he can run for the chairmanship of the House Energy and Commerce Committee.

The term limits rule, by the incoming Republican majority in 1994 and enshrined in the Contract with America, was designed to break down the imperial fiefdoms at all important committees built up during 40 years of Democratic rule. When Democrats retook the House, they continued to allow their committee chairmen unlimited rein. The result: unchecked power on committee chairs like Charlie Rangel.

All indications are that Speaker-presumptive Boehner sides with reformers against bending the rules and will allow a fair contest between Reps. Fred Upton, John Shimkus, and Cliff Stearns to succeed Barton. (At issue is whether time as ranking minority member can be counted toward the term limit, effectively extending a single member’s leadership of Republicans on the committee from six years to a decade or more.)

While Barton has been solid in some respects, his serial verbal miscues and penchant for grandstanding have made him a lightning rod and an unprecedented move to undermine term limits for his benefit would give Speaker Boehner and House Republicans all sorts of headaches they don’t need as they prepare ambitious rollbacks of Democratic spending and Obamacare.

Barton’s actual record at Energy and Commerce also makes it abundantly clear that his cause is far from a “hill to die on” for conservatives — not with perfectly valid conservative alternatives in the race. He supported the auto bailout, stem cell research, and who can forget his leading the charge for a government takeover of college football’s BCS system? His record on Internet regulation is decidedly mixed: he’s talked of partnering with ultraliberal Reps. Henry Waxman and Ed Markey on sweeping investigations and regulation of web site privacy practices. In recent days, Barton has also opened the door to accepting some form of FCC net neutrality regulation of the Internet. Last Tuesday’s election was a mandate for many things,BCS s but Nanny State regulation of college football and the Internet isn’t one of them.

Republicans should thank Barton for his long service but say thanks but no thanks to his bid to water down a key tenet of the Contract with America limiting the terms of Republican committee heads. Giving in to Barton’s extraordinary request could signal that the new Republican majority is not truly serious about learning its lessons and ending business as usual in the Capitol.