President Joe Biden’s deputies are congratulating themselves for delivering foreign migrants into Americans’ workplaces, communities, and society without approval from Congress or debate with the worried voters.

“We’re increasing and improving legal migration,” Tyler Moran, a White House official, told the Washington Post. “We have put in place a number of policies creating legal pathways to migrate and seek protection, and we see that as a metric of success,” she added.

“We have a three-pronged approach,” Biden’s border chief, Alejandro Mayorkas, the secretary of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), told a Senate hearing on May 13. “Address the root causes [of migration], to build legal pathways [into the U.S.], and to advocate more with the hope that Congress will pass immigration reform,” he said.

Mayorkas is opening legal pathways into Americans’ workplaces and homes by widening the side doors in immigration law, such as parole admissions and asylum claims. He is also widening the doors to legalization by easing the award of green cards to illegal or unlawful migrants.

White House spokeswoman Pili Tobar worked in a variety of advocacy migration jobs before joining Biden’s administration. On May 7, she tweeted:

The vast majority of “vetted sponsors or family members” for supposedly unaccompanied children are illegally present in the United States. Many of those sponsors paid coyotes — and the cartels — to deliver their children or job-seeking teenage boys to U.S. agents on the border. Mayorkas’ agency is now completing the contracted delivery — gratis — of the young migrants to their U.S.-based illegal migrant relatives.

Mayorkas is declining to use a court decision that would allow him to stop the coyote-delivered entry of so-called “unaccompanied” youths and children into the United States.

The DHS secretary told the Senate in testimony that he wants to provide asylum approval to youths and children who have not even left their home country: “If we can, in fact, adjudicate [asylum] claims in the countries of origin, or in truly safe places, then we will spare children the perilous journey north.” He added, “These are people, yearning to be free.”

In April, Mayorkas used optional Title 8 rules to allow roughly 60,000 people across the border, including roughly 35,000 people from distant places other than Mexico or Central America.

DHS does not repatriate migrants who try to sneak across the border, helping roughly 45,000 do so in April, often on their second or third attempts. Moreover, the very lax enforcement rules at DHS leave migrants with little fear of being deported. At least 11 million people are already living illegally in the United States.

Mayorkas is using the parole side door in immigration law to bring thousands of legally deported migrants back into the United States.

The DHS secretary is also drafting regulations that would dramatically raise the number of poor economic migrants who could use claims of crime or domestic abuse to get U Visas or T Visas and then win the huge prize of U.S. citizenship.

He is also stripping away bureaucratic and regulatory curbs on the Fortune 500 hiring of foreign graduates for jobs needed by American graduates. In addition, he is backing a bill that would automatically award green cards to foreign migrants if they perform 10 years of work for U.S. companies.

As administration officials try to create new their migration pipelines without approval by Congress or debate with the public, they are dismissing media coverage — and public criticism — of the migration wave as a distraction. Roughly 178,000 migrants were recorded arriving at the border, marking a 20-year record.

According to the Washington Post:

Rather than attempting to drive down migration through more stringent enforcement, Biden officials in recent weeks have been seeking to change the perception that high border numbers equate to a crisis, a failure, or even something manifestly negative.

“Apprehensions don’t tell the full story, and getting to zero is not a measure of success,” Tyler Moran, one of Biden’s top immigration policy advisers, said in an interview. She and other Biden officials have urged patience with their policies and plans to address the “root causes” driving Central American emigration, while blaming the Trump administration for handing them an immigration system with a myopic focus on keeping border numbers low.

“We’re moving toward a fair, orderly and humane system,” Moran added. “We’re increasing and improving legal migration, and deterring irregular migration. We have put in place a number of policies creating legal pathways to migrate and seek protection, and we see that as a metric of success.”

The “full story,” as described by Moran, does not include the economic damage – such as housing prices — done to native-born and immigrant Americans, the expanding poverty and regional gaps in U.S. society, or the damage done to migrants’ home countries by the left-wing policy of extracting migrants for use in the U.S. economy.

Republican legislators are pushing back, but usually with ineffective rhetoric about socialism, border chaos, or illegal migrants.

The rhetoric looks good on some conservative websites, and it avoids a clash with pro-migration business donors, who oppose any GOP talk about immigration, jobs, wages, and careers. For example, Sen. Mitt Romney (R-UT) responded to Mayorkas’ May 13 hearing comments by pointing to the crush of migrants at the border:

What I find astonishing … is that we have the secretary responsible for securing our border and our immigration system, who doesn’t recognize these charts as being a problem … and is not saying “We’ve got to make some changes immediately.” I find that I find that extraordinary and extremely damning.

But some GOP politicians are cutting the heart of the issue.

“The open borders policy of Democrats is driving down the wages of millions of Americans,” Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) said Wednesday during a May 12 hearing for a Democrat amnesty bill. He continued:

The bill that we’re discussing in this hearing today is, I believe, a very dangerous bill. It is a radical bill that would grant amnesty to millions of people here illegally, with a broad swath that is wrong, immoral, and profoundly unfair.

It is unfair to millions of Americans — [to] low-income Americans, Americans who may be out of work, Americans who may be in difficult jobs.

The open borders policy of Democrats is driving down wages of millions of Americans [including] the African American community. This bill is terrible for the African American community. It lowers wages in the African American community. The Hispanic community: This bill is terrible for the Hispanic community. For legal immigrants: … this bill drives down wages for millions of legal immigrants.

Pro-American activists are sharpening their responses: “It is extraction immigration,” said Rob Law, the director of regulatory affairs and policy at the Center for Immigration Studies. He added:

At the end of the day, calling everybody north to the United States leaves these other countries with a desolated population and completely destroyed economy. It is cruelty on steroids. What they’re doing is callous. It is cruel and it’s immoral.

For many years, a wide variety of pollsters have shown deep and broad opposition to labor migration and the inflow of temporary contract workers into jobs sought by young U.S. graduates. This opposition is multiracial, cross-sex, non-racist, class-based, bipartisan, rational, persistent, and recognizes the solidarity Americans owe to each other.

The voter opposition to elite-backed economic migration coexists with support for legal immigrants and some sympathy for illegal migrants. But only a minority of Americans — mostly leftists — embrace the many skewed polls and articles pushing the 1950’s corporate “Nation of Immigrants” claim.

The deep public opposition to labor migration is built on the widespread recognition that legal and illegal migration moves money away from most Americans’ pocketbooks and families. Migration moves money from employees to employers, from families to investors, from young to old, from children to their parents, from homebuyers to investors, from technology to stoop labor, from red states to blue states, and from the central states to the coastal states such as New York.