Joe Biden’s Deputies Have Demolished Diplomatic Border Wall

An officers of the National Institute of Migration of Mexico (INM) checks documentation of
Photo by ISAAC GUZMAN/AFP via Getty Images
Neil Munro

President Joe Biden’s deputies have demolished the diplomatic border wall that allowed U.S. border agencies to swiftly reject economic migrants arriving from South America, Africa, India, and many other countries.

“This is just excellent news,” tweeted Clara Long, an associate director at HRW.org, a pro-migration group.

The wall was the U.S.-Guatemala Asylum Cooperative Agreement (ACA), which allowed U.S. agents to fly almost any migrant to Guatemala if they traveled through Guatemala on their way toward the U.S. border.  That legal capability was extensive because Guatemala covers the full width of Central America. To avoid entering Guatemala, migrants from South America would have had to travel by sea around the country.

The demolition comes as border agents have begun releasing migrants through the concrete-and-steel border wall and into the United States. The catch and release policy is creating an incentive for many more migrants to travel to the United States via Guatemala in the hope of getting U.S. jobs. and even U.S. citizenship from Biden’s draft amnesty.

This decision will help progressives to entice more poor people into the deadly Hunger Games migration route to the United States. The obstacle course migration system rewards blue-collar migrants who overcome coyotes, cartels, rape, deserts, weather, border laws, barriers, rescuers, transport, judges, and cheap labor employers.

Business groups and investors gain because the progressives provide them with profit-boosting, cheap foreign workers, government-funded consumers, and multiple renters for apartments.

In 2016, Americans elected President Donald Trump to solve the migration problem and to restore their right to a national labor market. By early 2020, he had largely shut down the deadly route by barring nearly all migrants from getting into the United States.

Biden’s officials oppose the popular curbs on migration and hope to build new pipelines to extract young people from their home countries for use by the U.S. economy.

On February 2, Biden signed an Executive Order calling for the creation of the extra pipelines:

The Collaborative Management Strategy should focus on programs and infrastructure that facilitate access to protection and other lawful immigration avenues, in both the United States and partner countries, as close to migrants’ homes as possible.  Priorities should include support for expanding pathways through which individuals facing difficult or dangerous conditions in their home countries can find stability and safety in receiving countries throughout the region, not only through asylum and refugee resettlement, but also through labor and other non-protection-related programs.

Pro-migration advocates claimed the ACA deal was unfair, in part, as Guatemala does not have a well-run process for accepting asylum seekers. For example, HRW.org complained:

Transferees under the ACA were thrust into a high-pressure situation in which they lacked adequate time and resources to make truly informed, voluntary choices about what to do. Once transferees were registered at the airport, they had 72 hours to make the decision about whether they would remain in Guatemala, return to the countries they fled, or try to find refuge elsewhere.[9] The Guatemalan government’s 72-hour time limit is arbitrary and coercive, giving transferees insufficient time to make such monumental decisions.

For years, a wide variety of pollsters have shown deep and broad opposition to labor migration — or the hiring of temporary contract workers into the jobs sought by young U.S. graduates. The multiracial, cross-sex, non-racist, class-based, priority-driven, and solidarity-themed opposition to labor migration coexists with generally favorable personal feelings toward legal immigrants and immigration in theory.

Decades of data and experiences have persuaded the vast majority of Americans — and many elite economists, lobbyists, and legislators — that migration moves money out of employees’ pockets and into the stock market wealth of investors and their progressive supporters. The public’recognition of this “wages to Wall Street” economic strategy comes amid perpetual insistence from business lobbies — and reporters — that supply and demand in the labor market are unrelated.

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